Issues In The Dating Violence Research: A Review Of The Literature

For youths facing multiple risk factors, exposure to the wider world may open a window on alternative values and lifestyles. Community risk factors, such as living in socially disorganized neighborhoods or neighborhoods with high rates of crime, violence, and drugs, are not powerful individual-level predictors in childhood because these external influences have less direct impact on children than on adolescents. They may well exert indirect influences through poor parenting practices, lack of family resources, and parent criminality or antisocial behavior.

Teen Dating Violence: A Literature Review and Annotated Bibliography

Research shows that different risk factors may emerge in these two developmental periods and that the same risk factors may have different effect sizes, or predictive power, in these periods. The bulk of the research that has been done on risk factors identifies and measures their predictive value separately, without taking into account the influence of other risk factors. More important than any individual factor, however, is the accumulation of risk factors.

Vigilantism in Contemporary Popular Culture: The Case of Arrow

Elementary school children who live in violent neighborhoods may also experience sleep disturbances and be less likely to explore their environment. Because they understand that violence is intentional, they may worry about what they could have done to prevent or stop it . Some risk factors are not amenable to change and therefore are not good targets for intervention (Earls, 1994; Hawkins et al., 1998a). Taken together, women who experience PTG are generally utilizing a combination of strategies that can be subsumed under relationship to “self” and “others.” Victim/survivors have in common the desire to regain control over their bodies, minds, and regaining a sense of trust in people. This inner struggle and pursuit of integrating their sexual victimization experience into a new sense of self and with others can be explained as PTG with a deliberate choice to take proactive steps rather than escape and avoidance strategies. Studies with total scores between 4 and 6 were considered high quality with low risk of bias.

To be considered risk factors, they must have both a theoretical rationale and a demonstrated ability to predict violence — essential conditions for a causal relationship (Earls, 1994; Kraemer et al., 1997; Thornberry, 1998). The reason risk factors are not considered causes is that, in most cases, scientists lack experimental evidence that changing a risk factor produces changes in the onset or rate of violence. One review of the literature on sexual victimization and PTG by Ulloa et al. was identified. However, Ulloa et al. acknowledged the paucity of knowledge on PTG specifically in relation to sexual victimization, which is conceptually different from other forms of trauma and called for further research to inform clinical practice.

Religious engagement, music and yoga have been mentioned by several studies, that align with Herman’s theoretical explanation of integrating the women’s private and public self. The thematic analysis found that all studies reported some form of PTG occurring with variations according to study focus and revictimization experiences. Within the studies, noteworthy inconsistencies in conceptualizations of PTG as well as varying methods utilized to describe and assess PTG were observed. Researchers conceptualized PTG by obtaining an overall rating using specific measures such as the PTG Inventory , its short form (Cann et al., 2010), whereas others assessed PTG through women’s subjectively held attitudes, actions, and evaluations of their recovery. Participants agreed that their sexual victimization experiences should not be forgotten. Comprehensive prevention programs that target TDV and related risk factors, such as bullying and other risk factors, seem warranted.

Primary and secondary prevention programs for dating violence: A review of the literature

Meticulous record keeping ensured inter-rater agreement during the data extraction and assessment process, as illustrated in Figure 1. Trauma symptoms functioned as a mediator between experiences of physical TDV victimization during adolescence and later revictimization in early adulthood, even in a conservative test of mediation that controlled for baseline trauma symptoms. Multigroup analyses testing for gender differences suggest that this mediation model is significant for females but not for males.

In the last decade, research related to intimate abuse through technology has increased exponentially, and numerous scientific constructs have been created to define this phenomenon. These constructs tend to be compared or used interchangeably, but several previous studies have emphasized that this multiplurality of constructs could contribute to the existence of constraints in the interpretation and comparison of results between studies. To address these constraints, we undertook a systematic review with the aims of identifying scientific constructs related to intimate abuse through technology and identifying behavioral dimensions developed to analyze this phenomenon. In our review, we included 126 studies and identified 42 constructs and 20 multidimensional behavioral sets related to intimate abuse through technology. We also recommend that future studies consider expanding this research field to different configurations of intimate relationships, considering the inclusion of more diverse age groups. Research into technology-facilitated abuse in relationships focuses predominantly on TAR prevalence and correlates.

There are no large or moderate risk factors for violence in the school domain, but poor attitude toward or performance in school — particularly if it leads to academic failure — is a slightly larger risk factor in early adolescence than in childhood. Other adverse family conditions present a risk factor; for example, some studies have found that family conflict is a risk factor for violence among adolescent males. In early adolescence, involvement in general offenses — that is, illegal but not necessarily violent acts, including felonies — becomes a moderate risk factor for violence between the ages of 15 and 18. Its predictive power lessens from childhood, largely because teenagers are somewhat more likely than children to engage in illegal behavior.

Good relations with an adult who supports conventional behavior and disapproves of delinquent behavior can provide invaluable guidance for young people. The question is whether these relationships moderate the effects of exposure to risk and thus fit the definition of a protective factor. Although the effect size of child abuse or neglect is small when a correlation measure is used (as in Table 4-1), the relative risk of violence among abused or neglected children can be substantial. Knowing that a child was abused does not help much in predicting future violence, however, since the vast majority of abused children do not become violent.

Gangs in schools increased dramatically between 1989 and 1995 but have recently declined . The chances of becoming a victim of violence are more than two and one-half times as great in schools where gangs are reported, and these schools are disproportionately located in disadvantaged, disorganized neighborhoods (Met Life, 1993; Snyder & Sickmund, 1999). Research on school violence indicates that a culture of violence has arisen in some schools, adversely affecting not just students but teachers and administrators as well (Gottfredson et al., in press; Lorion, 1998). Students exposed to violence at school may react by staying home to avoid the threat or by taking weapons to school in order to defend themselves (Brener et al., 1999). For their part, teachers may burn out after years of dealing with discipline problems and threats of violence. Although parents can and do influence their adolescents’ behavior, they do so largely indirectly.

Having friends who behave conventionally is a proposed protective factor that seems to reduce the risk of delinquency, but there is no evidence of a true buffering effect on specific risk factors. Buffering effects on violence were not significant in the reanalysis of the Jessor data (Turbin, 2000; see also Smith et al., 1995). However, as noted earlier, researchers have found that associating with peers who disapprove of violence may inhibit violence in young people (Hawkins et al., 1998c; Jessor et al., 1995).

This study appraises systematic literature reviews in cyberbullying to investigate different dimensions, trends and quality of secondary studies. The tertiary study was conducted using four databases for selecting studies published till November 2020. Different demographic and temporal trends were investigated by finding out the frequency of secondary studies in terms of publication year, publication venues and type of synthesis conducted. The thematic analysis of studies showed eight dimensions in which cyberbullying research was carried out. The quality of the systematic reviews was also measured using Database of Abstracts of Reviews of Effects criteria and quality trends were investigated in terms of time, venue and cyberbullying dimensions.

2022) that vigilante justice has been considered “the genre’s core principle” (Klock, 2008, p. 38), as most superheroes are private individuals who decide that they can act as judge and jury against crime. Ethnicities and races, native/indigenous youth who are LGBTQ report the highest risk of suicide. needs to review the security of your connection before proceeding. Differences among the correlates of the different types of abuse, the age of the victims, and the relationship with the perpetrator are discussed as well as the victims’ feelings of being believed when they disclosed the abuse.

Community groups — including schools, faith-based organizations, and Parent Teacher Associations — can teach parents and children how to be more critical consumers of media. The four remaining individual factors have not yet been shown to moderate violence, although they may buffer risks for antisocial behavior or general delinquency. High IQ has been cited as a possible protective factor (Fergusson & Lynskey, 1996;Garmezy, 1985; Rutter, 1985; Werner & Smith, 1982). Children with above-average IQs may exhibit qualities, such as curiosity and creativity, that help them make the most of early educational, artistic, and cultural experiences. High IQ may increase an adolescent’s chances of benefiting from educational, creative, and cultural opportunities.